Why do people care so much about social rejection and acceptance

By Howard Roberts,2014-04-11 21:42
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Why do people care so much about social rejection and acceptance

    Coping with Rejection:

    Core Social Motives, across Cultures and Individuals

    Susan T. Fiske

    Princeton University


    Mariko Yamamoto

    University of Tsukuba

    Preliminary draft of chapter for K. D. Williams, J. P. Forgas, & W. von Hippel (Eds.), The Social Outcast: Ostracism, Social Exclusion, Rejection, and Bullying. The 7th

    Annual Sydney Symposium of Social Psychology.

    For participants’ general information only; please do not cite or quote this rough draft.

    People are right to dread rejection. Social isolates feel bad, suffering anxiety and depression in the moment, and a general lack of well-being over the long-term (Baumeister, 1991b; Baumeister & Tice, 1990; Leary, 1990; Nezlek, Kowalski, Leary, Blevins, & Holgate, 1997; Williams, Cheung, & Choi, 2000). Social isolates damage their immune systems and threaten their cardio-vascular health (House, Landis, & Umbertson, 1988; Kiecolt-Glaser, McGuire, Robles, & Glaser, 2002). Social isolates die sooner (Berkman, 1995; Berkman & Syme, 1979; Berscheid & Reis, 1998). Throughout human history, being banished from the group has amounted to a death sentence.

    Not surprisingly, then, people care deeply about social rejection and acceptance. Being accepted by other people represents a core motive: The motive to belong is central (e.g., Fiske, 2004; Leary & Baumeister, 2000). People want to connect with other people in their own group, arguably in order to survive and thrive. The core motive to belong defines ingroup (own group) and outgroup (all other groups). Ingroup belonging matters

    because the ingroup by definition shares one’s goals, which facilitates other core social motives, for example, socially shared understanding, a sense of controlling one’s

    outcomes, enhancing the self, and trusting close others (Fiske, 2004). The outgroup by

    definition does not share the ingroup’s goals, being at worst indifferent and at best hostile, so it is viewed as threatening and elicits negative affect (Fiske & Ruscher, 1993). This approach to social behavior highlights the importance of knowing who is with “us” and

    who is against “us,” in the service of furthering shared goals.

    The approach has elements in common with other emphatically social

    adaptationist perspectives on social cognition (e.g., Kurzban & Leary, 2001; Neuberg, Smith & Asher, 2000), but it focuses less specifically on reproductive strategies and more

    on social surviving and thriving within a group (Brewer, 1997; Caporael, 1997). People are demonstrably healthier if they are not socially isolated. This approach also fits with a pragmatic, goal-based analysis of social behavior (Fiske, 1992). Social perception provides the foundation for social survival within one’s group. When people respond to another social entity, whether a group or an individual, they do so in the service of core social motives.

     As this draft of our chapter will discuss, everyone hates interpersonal rejection, reflecting the importance of belonging across individuals and cultures. Nevertheless, people and cultures differ in the ways they manage the possibility of rejection, differentially emphasizing the other core social motives, as our research is beginning to explore.


    As indicated, we believe that the human motive to belong is essentially universal. People all suffer under social rejection, as various contributors to this symposium have shown in their respective programs of research. Our own empirical foray illustrates the cultural similarity of this experience, regardless of whether the culture is individualist or collectivist.

    Comparative Study: Cultural Similarities in Belonging

    We conducted a comparative experiment with a three factor between-subjects experimental design. Participants were 57 US and 97 Japanese undergraduates. Independent variables were nation, sex, and feedback (positive or negative evaluation). In the experiment, American and Japanese students expected to participate in research on intimacy processes and to interact with a randomly assigned new acquaintance. All

    procedures used personal computers and a pre-programmed partner. In a "preliminary step," they exchanged brief videotaped greetings. On a questionnaire, participants then described themselves, and they evaluated their partners' speech, their potential compatibility, and their preliminary impression of their partner. Using this newly exchanged information, participants then had to decide whether to accept the other as a partner for the intimacy processes session. To decide, they searched through answers from their partner's preliminary questionnaire. After searching information, participants answered some additional questions before the debriefing.

    In learning how to search their partner’s responses via computer, they saw their partner's evaluation of their introductory speech. Half of the participants were randomly assigned to encounter negative feedback and half positive, as one of the independent variables. In negative condition, participants learned that their partner’s evaluation was,

    on a 5-point scale, “2. not very good” and described thus: “I thought you did not express

    yourself well. I did not think you had any intention of making me understand you. I couldn’t tell what kind of person you are from your speech.” In the positive condition,

    they learned their evaluation was “4. quite good” and described thus: “I thought that you

    expressed yourself well. I thought that you were trying to make me understand you. I could tell you what kind of person you are from your speech.” Recall that this information would be diagnostic for predicting whether their partner was likely to accept or reject them as a partner for the second part of the study on intimacy processes.

    The manipulation check showed that the manipulation of feedback was successful. The participants in the positive condition gave higher scores to a question about their partners evaluation of their speech, and the participants in the negative condition gave

    lower scores. This happened identically in both countries; no one denied the feedback (and potential rejection).

    Under negative feedback, all participants reported feeling bad, and under positive feedback, all reported feeling good. Moreover, under negative feedback, half subsequently rejected their negative partners. None of the positive-feedback partners did. These results imply that negative social feedback commonly makes all of usEast or

    Westfeel bad. Reciprocity of rejection also commonly occurs in both countries.


     People are demonstrably motivated to develop a socially shared understanding of each other and their environment (Fiske, 2002, 2004). A shared information framework allows people to function in groups and in any kind of relationship. It informs their assessment of their own rejection and acceptance. This understanding is likely to operate along particular dimensions that facilitate belonging, and these dimensions will be, we suggest, pancultural. But people’s strategies for understanding will also show some cultural variation, consistent with Western emphasis on autonomy and unvarnished honesty or with Eastern emphasis on interdependence and social harmony. The Important Information: Cultural Similarities in Primary Dimensions of Groups

    When people encounter another social entity (individual or group), they want to know immediately if the other is friend or foe. That is, they first want to know the other’s

    intent, for good or ill. If the other’s intent is benign, the other is ingroup or a close ally and less likely to be rejecting. But intentions are meaningless without capability, so people also must learn whether the other is able or unable to enact them.

    If the core motive of belonging matters so much, then people’s central concern

    when trying to understand another person or group will be the other person’s group membership. We have argued in previous theoretical work and research on the Continuum Model (CM) that such social category-based responses are rapid and primary, coming before more individuated, person-specific responses (e.g., Fiske & Neuberg, 1990; Fiske, Lin, & Neuberg, 1999).

    Our subsequent and current work more closely examines the nature of those social categories. We proceed from the premise that the crucial categories essentially answer: friend or foe? And then: able or unable? That is, when people encounter strangers, they first want to know the strangers’ intentions (good or ill) and their ability to enact them (capability). If the intentions are good, then the social other’s goals are at least compatible, and the other is ingroup or a close ally. Otherwise, the other entity is unsafe. And whether the goals are compatible or not, people want to know whether the other entity actually matters (if capable) or not (if incapable).

    The Stereotype Content Model (SCM; Fiske, Xu, Cuddy, & Glick, 1999, Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002) proposes that societal groups are universally perceived along two primary dimensions, warmth and competence. The two proposed primary dimensions of general stereotype contentwarmth (e.g., friendly, good-natured, warm, and sincere)

    and competence (e.g., capable, confident, competent, and skillful)respectively answer

    the friend-foe and able-unable questions. They have received copious support from several areas of psychology. These dimensions emerge in classic person perception studies (Asch, 1946; Rosenberg, Nelson, & Vivekananthan, 1968). And in more recent person perception research, these two dimensions account for more than 80% of the variance in global impressions of individuals (Wojciszke, Baryla, & Mikiewicz, 2003;

    Wojciszke, Bazinska, & Jaworski, 1998). Similar twin dimensions appear in work on social-value orientations (e.g., self- and other-profitability, Peeters, 1983; Peeters, 1992, 1995), in construals of others' behaviors (Wojciszke, 1994), and in voters' ratings of political candidates in the U.S. (Kinder & Sears, 1985) and Poland (Wojciszke & Klusek, 1996). Related dimensions also describe national stereotypes (e.g., competence and morality, Alexander, Brewer, & Hermann, 1999; Phalet & Poppe, 1997; Poppe, 2001; Poppe & Linssen, 1999) and surface in numerous in-depth analyses of prejudices toward specific social groups (e.g., Glick, 2002; Glick, Diebold, Bailey Werner, & Zhu, 1997; Glick & Fiske, 1996, 1997; Hurh & Kim, 1989; Kitano & Sue, 1973; Helmreich, Spence, & Wilhelm, 1981). People in many circumstances want to know who is with them (acceptance) or against them (rejection) and what they can do about it.

    We have recently found that these dimensions also generalize across cultures (Cuddy, Fiske, Kwan, Glick, et al., 2003). In a dozen cultures, using their own societal groups, we find substantially the same patterns, supporting the contention that the dimensions represent universal human concerns about societal groups . The pancultural model was tested in 3 studies comprising 12 international samples. If the SCM describes universal human principles, they should not be limited to American perceivers or groups in an individualistic, multicultural context. As expected, across culturally varied perceivers and target groups: (a) perceived warmth and competence do differentiate group stereotypes; (b) many out-groups receive evaluatively-mixed stereotypes, high on one dimension but low on the other; and (c) higher-status groups are stereotyped as competent, while competitive groups are stereotyped as lacking warmth.

    These studies suggest group understanding reflecting pancultural principles not

    limited to the American context. The findings support the idea that people are deeply concerned with information of acceptance and rejection, namely the other groups’ warmth (intent for good or ill) and ability to act on it (competence). The Important Information: Cultural Similarities for Individual Interactions

    Recently, we conducted an American pilot study to see whether participants’ open-ended concerns about one-on-one interactions spontaneously parallel the warmth-competence dimensions we have repeatedly found for groups (Wright & Fiske, 2004). In a questionnaire, Opinions on Social Roles, participants described their expectations about people in four types of relationships, two with unequal status (boss-employee, doctor-patient) and two with equal status (romantic partners, friends). They were asked either about the high-status or the low-status role in the first two instances, for example: “Describe your view of the responsibility of a boss in the relationship between a boss and

    an employee. What is expected of the boss? What kinds of things are important for a boss to do and not do? What do you expect to be the duration of this relationship? To what contexts does this relationship apply?” Preliminary coding indicates that high-status roles

    are differentially expected to display competence (be knowledgeable, lead, set example, give clear instructions), whereas low-status roles are expected to display less competent, more dependent behavior (follow rules, ask questions, report). In equal-status relationships, competence is not the issue; warmth is. Relative to the unequal-status relationships, equal relationships more often evoke being supportive, loyal, faithful, dependable, and fun. Thus, one-on-one status disparities evoke competence concerns, but peers evoke acceptance concerns.

     The second half of the pilot study more directly addressed rejection. After

    responding to the four initial relationships, which manipulated only status, a second set of questions revisited the same four relationships, but introduced an element of conflicting goals, namely one person delivering bad news to the other, severing the interdependent relationship. Respondents had to describe expectations of a boss firing an employee, a romantic partner ending the relationship, or a friend ending the friendship. (The doctor-patient manipulation, relaying bad news about the patient’s health, does not fit this analysis in terms of rejection.) In the three relevant cases, when interdependence is severed, respondents’ concerns appear overwhelmingly related to the warmth dimension; suddenly, competence is less a concern. For the boss firing the employee, boss and employee expect the boss to be compassionate, feel bad, be private, and explain; for the partners or friends breaking off, both expect the rejecting partner to be compassionate, feel bad, and explain. Notice that the strong theme here is warmth, being as kind as possible under the circumstances. On the part of the rejected person (the fired employee or spurned partner/friend), the expectation still concerns warmth, but in a negative light: being upset, being angry, and demanding an explanation. The data and method are preliminary, but the trends are promising. We hope to replicate these data in Japan.

    A follow-up study (DiChiara & Fiske, 2004) is investigating people’s closed-

    ended expectations about individual relationships that vary systematically in status and competition, and it focuses specifically on people’s concerns: what they want to know

    about the other person, under a variety of status and competition combinations. On a questionnaire, respondents read: “We are interested in what people want to know most about other people when they are going to meet and interact with them. If you were going to have many interactions with a superior [subordinate] who is competing [cooperating]

with you, what would you want to know about that person?” A 2 x 2 between-subjects

    design manipulates status (superior/subordinate) and competition (yes/no). An additional control group provides neither kind of information, saying merely, “in a variety of contexts.”

    We expect that people will prioritize warmth (good or bad intentions) and competence (ability to enact), compared to other trait dimensions. To best evaluate the priority of our proposed competence and warmth dimensions, respondents will rate the importance of knowing a variety of traits drawn not only from the SCM dimensions but also the Big Five Trait dimensions (extraverted, agreeable, conscientious, neurotic, open to experience) and their synonyms. While some dimensions overlap (e.g., agreeable and warm), we predict that people’s concerns will boil down to the two dimensions. Preliminary factor analyses seem to support the first hypothesis that coherent warmth and competence dimensions will appear.

    For the second hypothesis, the 2-way between-subjects ANOVA will have as repeated measures the different factors. (We can also analyze the data as a one-way five-level ANOVA, including the no-information control group, and use orthogonal contrasts to tease out the control comparison, interactions, and main effects.) Effects on the repeated measure will differentiate the importance of the different factors. That is, part of what we want to know is whether people prioritize warmth and competence over other dimensions, and then whether it varies as a function of relative status and competition.

     Ultimately, the next step is to measure the content of expectations about people in different status-competition roles. That is, we are also replicating the previous study, but using as dependent measures the likelihood of the low or high status, competitive or

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