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On the Decline of Utopia and the Ethics of Revolution in China

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On the Decline of Utopia and the Ethics of Revolution in China

Congrès Marx International VI, septembre 2010, Plenum 4, Zhang Shuangli

     On the Decline of Concrete Utopias in China

     (Zhang Shuangli, Fudan University, Shanghai, China)

Introduction: About three different meanings of utopia in the present China

    In the present Chinese context, the term utopia has complicated meanings, all of

    which are closely connected with the Chinese understanding of Marxism. Briefly speaking, there are at least three main different meanings. Firstly, it is believed by the majority of Chinese people as a kind of unrealistic idea. In the post- Mao era,

    especially with the introduction of the market system into the Chinese society, more and more people began to believe that socialism is only an unrealistic idea in the present Chinese context. This belief has then been strengthened further by the discussions about the end of history in Chinese scholarship within the context of

    globalization and the collapse of other socialist countries. Secondly, it is understood by some Chinese scholars as a special belief about the future, which means both

    the Idea and the activity to realize the Idea. From the 80s of the last century, the

    Chinese scholars have begun to reflect about the condition of Marxism in China. Many of them emphasized that the Marxism as embodied in the socialist system in the Mao-era is actually a kind of pre-modern despotism. At the same time, there are also some other scholars who have tried to understand the specialness of Chinese Marxism by investigating the special context of the introduction of Marxism into China. And they have arrived at the conclusion that Marxism as a kind of isms introduced to

    China has been made into a special utopia. It is the belief about the final perfect end of the human history and it necessarily means the activity to actualize it. Thirdly, it is believed by the new Maoists in China as the most radical critique of the present

    condition. Within the latest several years, there has been the revival of Maoism in China. For these new Maoists, Utopia is the slogan (the most influential website of these Maoists is named as Utopia). The term utopia has been literally translated by

    them as the place that does not exist. By this term, they mean that Maoism is about the Idea. But the concrete content of this new Maoism is not only directly about the Idea, but mainly about the present condition of the Chinese society in this capitalized world. Almost all the papers posted on the website are the radical critiques of the present condition. Usually, these critiques are not very theoretical, but full of emotion. The tone of these critiques is always both nationalistic and anti-capitalist.

     In this paper, we will start from the above-mentioned second meaning of utopia.

    By questioning about how Marxism has been accepted as a special utopia in China, I will try to explain why Marxism has been creatively made into the concrete utopia

    in the Chinese context and what are the innate self-contradictions within it, that have resulted in its later decline in China. Then we will look at the two different faces of the present condition of Marxism in China: On the one hand, it is the fact that many Chinese people have stopped believing in Marxism. Connected with this is their apathy toward utopia; On the other hand, there has been the revival of Maoism in the recent several years. Connected with this is the emergence of the above-mentioned third meaning of utopia. By investigating into how these two faces are actually inter-connected, it would then be pointed out that both of them mean the decline of

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Congrès Marx International VI, septembre 2010, Plenum 4, Zhang Shuangli

    Concrete Utopias in China.

    Part one: How Marxism has been accepted as a kind of utopia in China

     As Chairman Mao has stated, with the success of the October Revolution in Russia,

    1Marxism (and Leninism) have been introduced to China. This means that with the

    success of the October Revolution, Marxism has become really influential in China. Actually, before then, there have already been some introductions to Marxism in China as a theory by some Chinese people who had the experience of studying or living overseas. But the point is that all of those efforts have not really become influential in China. After the October Revolution, Marxism has gradually become the real revolutionary power in China to change the whole life. But Why could Marxism have been so influential in China? To answer this question, we need first to understand the special context of its acceptance in China. Based on this, we will then go further to ask how this special context has resulted in the special version of Marxism in China.

    1, the Totalistic Anti-traditionalism and the introduction of Marxism as a kind of isms into China;

    When Marxism was introduced to China after the October Revolution, China was experiencing a very important movement (many Chinese scholars think that it is the

    thmost important movement in the modern history of China), which is the May 4

    thmovement (in the year of 1919). But actually the May 4 movement is not just one

    thsingle movement; it is combination of both the May 4 movement and the New

    thCulture movement. To speak briefly, the May 4 movement could be considered as a

    patriotic and nationalist movement. Facing the unbearable unfairness toward China at the Paris conference after the end of the First World War, the Chinese people, starting from the young students, tried to voice out and to protest against both the imperialist powers and the totally impotent Chinese government. In the depth of the heart of those indignant people was the strong feeling that the whole Chinese nation had been in the vital crisis and that we really need to fight to save the nation, This patriotic movement happened within the New Culture Movement, which is longer (from 1915 to the late 20s in the last century) and deeper. In China, almost everyone knows that it is in the New Culture Movement that the Chinese intellectuals, under the influence of the western theories, have put forward the two important slogans: science and democracy. Because of this, some Chinese scholars hold that the New Culture movement is the movement that has really begun the process of enlightenment in China. But what is more important about this New Culture Movement is the other side of this, that is, the awareness of the deep crisis with the traditional Chinese way of living. Connected with this deep awareness is the strong feeling of the necessary responsibility on us to find out the new way for China to go. The direct reason for this awareness is the Chinese intellectuals strong belief in the Chinese version of

    Evolutionism and the rise of Anti-traditionalism.

    A, the Chinese version of Evolutionism and the rise of Anti-traditionalism

     1 See Mao Zedong, On the Democratic Dictatorship of the People , Selected Writings of Mao Zedong (Volume

    4), Renming Press, Beijing, 1991, p1471.

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Congrès Marx International VI, septembre 2010, Plenum 4, Zhang Shuangli

     Ever since the Opium War (1839), China has to directly face up with the power of the west. At the beginning, the Chinese people are still confident that they could make China stronger by integrating the western techniques as the functional techniques into the Chinese civilization. However, this has been proved as not working. In the Sino-Japanese war in 1895, China was totally defeated. This means a lot to the Chinese scholars. On the one hand, this has strongly proved that China is now really in the terribly weak condition; on the other hand, many Chinese intellectuals at that time also know that Japan has become strong because Japan has learned from the west and changed not only technically, but politically and culturally. So, this war has forced the Chinese intellectuals to admit that China has to change totally. Within this context, two important currents that have been introduced to China were then transformed into their special Chinese versions and have resulted in the ethos of the radical Anti-traditionalism.

     These two currents are evolutionism and nationalism. In China, the most important introducer of evolutionism is Yan Fu. He has beautifully translated T.H. Huxleys

    Evolution and Ethics into Chinese. It was from this book and some of his important articles (for example: On How to Become Powerful) that almost all the other

    Chinese intellectuals learned about evolutionism, especially about its direct meanings to China. But if we read the articles or the Chinese translation of the book, we can clearly find that this evolutionism has already been twisted by Yan Fu. To borrow the American Scholar James Reeve Pusey’s words, evolutionism has been transformed

    into it-is-up-to-us-ism. Another important Chinese intellectual, Liang Qichao, who has been strongly influenced by Yan Fus introduction of evolutionism, has given us a

    very clear statement of this it-is-up-to-us-ism: “If we change, we will be changed. If

    we do not change, we will be changed. If changing we are changed, the power will be in our hands, and we will be able to preserve our country, our race and our religion. If not changing we are changed, then we give up the power of changes to others, who

    2will harness us and drive us like beasts of burden. ” From this statement, we can see

    very clearly that evolutionism has three important meanings for the Chinese mind at that time. Firstly, it helped the Chinese people to admit clearly that they were only one group (or one nation) among all the other nations in the world. This point is extremely important to the Chinese mind, because traditionally the Chinese people believe that their world was the only cultural world. Secondly, it helped the Chinese

    intellectuals to know more about the crisis and to be very clear about the responsibilities on them. Evolutionism is introduced to China as a science. It is the science to tell us our present position in the whole historical process. This position means the crisis of the survival of the Chinese nation. So, this evolutionary science has not brought about the passivity of the Chinese people, but the active attitude toward the present crisis. Facing this crisis, it is our own responsibilities to save the

    3Chinese nation. Thirdly, it helped the Chinese intellectuals to admit that we need to learn from the west. In other words, this evolutionary picture also pointed out the direction for China to go if she wants to finally win in the struggles for survival.

     2 Quoted from James Reeve Pusey, China and Charles Darwin, P93 3 This special interpretation of is also connected with the tradition Chinese understanding of the human and the Tao.

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Congrès Marx International VI, septembre 2010, Plenum 4, Zhang Shuangli

     Taking these triple meanings together, we can find that this special evolutionary theory has provided the Chinese intellectuals with a black-and-white picture. On the one hand, there lies the backward condition of China; on the other hand, there lies the bright western world which is made up of the modern nation sates. And we are now just at the turning point between these two worlds. Whether we can finally go through this turning point is totally up to us. This particular picture has paved the way for the rise of the totalistic Anti-traditionalism in China. To speak very briefly, it has taken two different ways toward the radical Anti-traditionalism. On the one hand, some intellectuals claim that we should make this decisive change by learning from the western system and criticizing the traditional Chinese system which is at the same time moral, political, social and cultural; on the other hand, some scholars try to re-interpret the hidden meaning of Confucianism to bring about the change. The latter has not really brought about the new understanding of Confucianism in China, but has weakened the traditional belief in the Confucian classics and the orthodoxy of Confucianism. It then re-strengthened the claimed for westernization. So, both of them have contributed to the rise of the radical ethos of totalistic Anti-traditionalism. But this standpoint of totalistic Anti-traditionalism does not mean the pure negation of China. It is the negation of the traditional Chinese system for the sake of the future of the Chinese nation. And just because of this, it is never a purely theoretical attitude. It always means the self-conscious commitment to the responsibilities on us. It is true that as the direct response to this standpoint, there has also appeared the cultural conservatism. But the latter is not a step beyond the Anti-traditionalism, but only the necessary response to it. In this sense, they are of the same level.

B, the difference between the isms that have been introduced into China

     With this as the background, there happened the New Culture movement (The failure of the political revolution has directly led to the New Culture movement). This New Culture movement is at the same time both the radical critique of the Chinese tradition and the efforts to construct the new culture. To introduce all kinds of new ideas and theories into China was taken as an important step to construct the new culture in China. Thus this has been the time for various western ideas and theories to be introduced into China. This special condition is described as the flowing of all kinds of isms into China. To look at the difference among these isms could help us to

    see what is special with Marxism at that time and why it is this particular ism that

    has taken roots in the Chinese land.

     Very loosely speaking, there are two kinds of isms that have been very influential

    at that time: liberalism and Marxism. During that time, anarchism, socialism and Marxism have not yet been differentiated very clearly. Only gradually, the essential difference between anarchism and Marxism has been made evident. So, generally it could be said that the most important difference among the isms is the difference

    between Liberalism and Marxism. Presently, this difference could be very easily imagined by us as the difference between the theory for the capitalist society (liberalism) and the theory against the capitalist society (Marxism). But this is not true of the condition in the New Culture Movement. By then, the Chinese intellectuals

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Congrès Marx International VI, septembre 2010, Plenum 4, Zhang Shuangli

    have already become very sensitive to both the strength of Capitalism and the weakness of it. With China as the direct victim of the Imperialist powers, it has been almost impossible that the Chinese intellectuals could believe in a theory which is simply for the Capitalist system. So, both the liberalism and Marxism are taken as the theory about the way to change the Chinese society and to help it avoid the problems that necessarily exist in the western Capitalist society. For example, one version of the liberalism that has been very influential in China then is John Deweys pragmatism.

     The main difference lies in their different understandings about how to make that change happen. That is, they are different from each other in their answers to how to go through the turning point from this old world to the new world. It could also be said that they are two different ways to take the responsibilities on us. They are different from each other mainly in two aspects: the form of the change and the relationship between the intellectuals and the people. About the form of the change,

    liberalist scholars emphasized that the change could only be gradual because we can only solve the problems one by one based on the concrete investigations. But the Marxist scholars emphasized on the ultimate opposition between the old world and new world. Based on this, they argued for the radical revolution. This belief in revolution is then supported by both anarchism and the Marxist theory of class

    struggles.

    About the relationship between the intellectuals and the people, the Marxists

    argued very strongly that there must be the identification between the intellectuals and the people. This is the precondition for any possible real change. So, they self-consciously differentiate them from the liberalist intellectuals who are only thinking about the problems as the scholars. Within the New Culture Movement, there has been the famous controversy between liberalism and Marxism, which is termed by themselves as the debate about “problems and isms”. During the debate, Li Da

    Zhao, the main thinker of Marxism at that time in China, pointed this out very powerfully: “I think that “problems” and “isms” can not be separated from each other. This is because the solving of every problem must rely on the common movement of the majority of the people. Then if we are going to solve a problem, we should try to make it the common problem for the majority people in the society. If we are going to make a social problem the common problem for the majority people, we should let the majority of the people who can solve this problem by their common efforts have a common idea, ism, first, which could be the standard (that is, an instrument) for them to decide how unsatisfactory their life is. Those facts that all of them feel unsatisfactory could then become the problems one by one, and possibly be solved. Otherwise, in spite that you study your problem, all the others would not feel any relations between them and it. That social problem will never be solved; the studying

    4of that problem still could not influence the reality. ” It is very clear that Li Dazhao

    is talking about how to unify and motivate people. This was taken as the decisive

     4th Li Da Zhao. August 17, 1919. On Problems and Isms Again”, Weekly Review , Number 35.

    thQuoted from Xu Jilin, ed. 2000. On the History of Chinese Thoughts in 20 Century. Shanghai:

    Oriental Publishing Center.

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    precondition to make that change happen. It is also clearly pointed out that this could only be possible when we have already pointed out the final end for the people. That is, the change is only possible when we have believed in a utopia.

    2, Three Important Dimensions of the Chinese Marxism as a kind of utopia When Marxism is introduced to China after the October revolution, it is accepted in China as a kind of utopia. As a utopia, it has two important determinations. Firstly it is believed as the final End for both the Chinese nation and the human history. Secondly it is loaded with the mission to make the change from the old world to the new world happen. Defined by these, it has three important dimensions.

    A, the belief in the total resolution (nationalism and universalism)

     As is pointed out, when the Chinese intellectuals are looking at the various isms

    and try to find out the right way for China to go, they are with their own preconditions. On the one hand, this effort at “westernization is for the sake of the bright future of

    the Chinese nation. On the other hand, they are already aware of the inner contradictions of the western modern society. These two considerations have directly shaped their understanding of the Final End. For the Chinese Marxists,

    Marxism as a theory is the only theory that could tell us clearly about the Final end.

    It has not only pointed out the inner contradictions within the Capitalist society, but also has pointed out the next stage of human history, which means the total solution of all the problems. This means that Marxism is believed as not only being able to solve the problems within China, but also the problems within the western countries and the problems in the international world. To take the issue of equality as an example, the Chinese Marxists believe that Marxism could help us to see clearly both the domestic inequality in the western Capitalist countries and the international inequality among the different countries. Communism as the next step then means the actual realization of equality in both the domestic sphere and the international sphere. In this way, the Chinese Marxism has arrived at the golden combination of nationalism and universalism. The universalism of Marxism has guaranteed that it is the way toward the Final End; because it is the way toward the Final End, then it will guarantee the success of the Chinese nationalism, since it means that the Chinese nation will have arrived at the highest point in the historical process of human progress. So, within the Chinese Marxism, there has been the mutual strengthening between nationalism and universalism. On the one hand, to save the Chinese nation, we have to be universal; on the other hand, it is just because we are universal that the Chinese nation will definitely be the final winner.

    B, the Belief in Class Struggles

     If we read the Chinese Marxists writings during the period of the New Culture

    Movement, we will find that almost all of them have emphasized on the theory of class struggles. It could be said that it is this Marxism of Classes Struggles that has

    really been accepted in China then. This has shaped the later development of Marxism in China. Chairman Mao himself believed that the truth of Marxism is the theory of class struggles. We could try to explain this phenomenon from the textual perspective. When Marxism is firstly introduced to China, the main text available to the Chinese

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Congrès Marx International VI, septembre 2010, Plenum 4, Zhang Shuangli

    readers is Communist Manifesto. However, the most important question is how this

    emphasis on class struggles could go with the belief of Marxism as a utopia about the Final End.

     The easiest answer is that class struggles could be believed as the instrument to arrive at the Final End. But beyond this, there are still two other important moments within this belief in Class Struggles, which have helped to make Marxism a revolutionary utopia in China. One is the motivation of the people; the other is the universality of the revolutionary class. The Marxist emphasis on Class as the subject to bring about the change has been very stimulating to the Chinese Marxists. It has helped them to realize the decisive importance to get people motivated and organized. The Chinese Marxism became a real power only when the scholars have successfully walked into the people and get people organized. As is known to many of you, Mao is special in the history of China, because he has successfully got the peasants motivated and organized. In this sense, we could say that the Marxist theory of class struggle has helped the Chinese intellectuals to self-consciously be the intellectuals among the people.

     Then the question is how they could get people motivated. We will find out that to solve this most difficult question, Mao has played a wonderful dialectic between the political revolution and the Marxist total revolution. To get the Chinese people motivated, he let them to be at the same time both the subjects of the political revolution and that of the total revolution. On the one hand, they are different particular groups, because they have different enemies: imperialism, feudalism and capitalism. On the hand, they are also the universal class because the enemies are the common enemies for all of us. The revolution means the liberation from all these enemies. In this way, the most difficult question about the universality of the Proletariat has firstly been shifted into the universality of the revolutionary people. Or, to use his own words, it is the question bout the unity of the revolutionary people.

     From these two moments, we find that the Chinese Marxism seems to have found the way toward the universality of the Marxist revolution embodied. The universality of the revolution is embodied as the universality of the revolutionary class. The latter then is embodied as the unity of the people.

     C, the Belief in the Party (the tension between the party and populism)

     Only with the party system, could this interplay between the political revolution and the total revolution become possible. In the modern history of China, the foundation of the Chinese Communist Party was almost immediately after the introduction of Marxism into China. The vital importance of the party system lies in that it could guarantee the universality of the revolutionary people. Based on this, it could then guarantee that the revolution under the leadership of the party is the total revolution. However, this has also brought about the unavoidable tension between the party and the populism.

     As is mentioned, the Chinese Marxists have realized that the change is possible only when the people have been motivated. This firstly means that the Marxists must go into the people and think as the people think. Then it means that they need educate

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    the people to think as they think, so that the people could become the universal class. But how could these two moments be organically connected? When the first moment becomes dominant, they will get lost in populism. When the second moment becomes dominant, they will get lost in the dictatorship of ideology. Facing this permanent dilemma, the Chinese Marxists have to try time and time again.

Part Two: What is the Innate Problem with this Utopia

    1, Marxism as a Concrete Utopia and the discovery of the Archimedean Point From the description of the three dimensions of Marxism in China, we can find that the ultimate difference between Marxism and other isms (liberalism, anarchism) is

    that it has found out the mediation between the Final End and the present condition. This mediation is the class struggle of the universal nature. Putting it in the international context, we will find that there has been an outstanding correspondence between the Chinese Marxism and the western Marxism. The latter refers to the

    version of Marxism starting from the European thinkers Georg Lukacs, Ernst Bloch and etc. Both the Chinese Marxists and the western Marxists had been the intellectuals who were experiencing the vital crisis. For the Chinese intellectuals, it was the crisis of the survival of the Chinese nation; for the European intellectuals, it is crisis of the European civilization. To borrow Ernst Blochs words, it is the imminent,

    5. Both of them have been deeply impressed by the eternal death of the Europe

    success of the October Revolution in Russia. For the Chinese Marxists, that represents the way toward the totally new world; for the western Marxists, it is the opening of the door toward the future. Both of them were then faced up with the direct opposition between the old world and the new world. They have been with faced with the same question how to go from this world to that totally new world. Georg Lukacs, Ernst Bloch have articulated this question as the question about the Archimedean Point

    6from which the old world is to be lifted out of its hinges and the new one installed.

    To some extent, it could be said that the question about the Archimedean Point has been the focus of their special version of Marxism. According to Ernst Blochs

    interpretation, Marxism is the concrete utopia. It is the utopia in the sense that it keeps the permanent tension between the present world and the human world; it is concrete in the sense that it has already found out the Archimedean Point. But what is the Archimedean Point? It is also the class struggle? Or is it something else? I hope that from this comparative perspective, we can see the innate problems with the Chinese version of Marxism more clearly.

    On the surface, both the Chinese Marxists and the western Marxists think that the Archimedean Point is human praxis. As pointed out in the above, the Chinese Marxists take the class struggle as the main form of the praxis. After the establishment of the New Republic, the struggle with the nature was also included as a form of praxis. In the Mao-era, the Chinese people had believed that we humans can bring about the new world through both the struggles with other people (classes) and those

     5 See Ernst Bloch, the Spirit of Utopia, trans. Anthony A. Nassar, Stanford University Press, 2000, p2. 6 Ernst Bloch, On Karl Marx, Herder and Herder, New York, 1971, p99.

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    with the nature. In this way, we are the people that can create history. This emphasis on praxis has been echoed in the western Marxists texts. Lukacs, in History and Class

    Consciousness, pointed out that the praxis of the proletariat would end the pre-history and open up the human history. Bloch, in Principles of Hope (volume 3), has given a

    re-interpretation of Karl Marxs Thesis on Feuerbach. In it, he emphasized that praxis

    will bring about the coming of the new world.

     At the same time, they have also pointed out that there have been great difficulties with this human praxis. Because of these difficulties, by now the revolutionary praxis is still a possibility, not yet the reality. The main difficulties are respectively ethics and knowledge involved in the revolutionary praxis. To solve these two main difficulties, the western Marxists have tried to make use of the resources from both the religious tradition and the tradition of dialectics. If we read Maos works, we will find that he

    has also got the deep insight about these two main difficulties with the Chinese revolution. More than this, he has also creatively figured out the solution to them by making use of the resources form the Chinese tradition and Marxist works. But the problem is that both this knowledge problem and the ethics problem is not just the problem for himself, or for the individual party members. But it is the problem for the whole revolutionary people. How to help the whole revolutionary people to solve these two difficulties thus becomes the most challenging problem for Mao. And the answer that the Chinese Marxists finally found is to reduce both the knowledge problem and the ethics problem into politics.

2, Knowledge and the Revolutionary praxis

     If we read through Mao works, we will find that he has made great contributions to the knowledge problem. On the one hand, he has been very creative at arriving at the revolutionary knowledge. By revolutionary knowledge, I mean knowledge oriented

    7not only to what is past, but essentially to what is yet to come. Almost in every

    moments of the Chinese revolution, it is always him who has made the most accurate and clear diagnosis of the problems facing the Chinese revolution and the way to solve them. Just because of his outstanding contribution at this, he has become the Leader of the Chinese revolution. On the other hand, he has also made great contributions to the epistemology of the revolutionary knowledge. Among his works, the most important articles such as On Praxis, On Contradictions are about this.

    This means that he is not only extremely good at arriving at the revolutionary knowledge, but also very good at doing philosophical reflections on how the revolutionary knowledge has been acquired. It is a pity that his marvelous contribution to the epistemology of knowledge has for a long time been misunderstood. It is understood as the dialectical materialism. In this way, people read his epistemology as the theory about the separation of consciousness and reality. This is just contrary to the context of Maos thinking. He has paid special attention to

    epistemology only because he has realized that knowledge is one of the most important moments within praxis.

     The Chinese Marxists, Mao included, have also made serious mistakes about this

     7 Ernst Bloch, On Karl Marx, Herder and Herder, New York, 1971, p99.

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    knowledge problem. When facing the challenge of how to solve the knowledge problem within all the revolutionary people, they directly chose the method of indoctrination which they learned from Lenin. In the realistic life, this means the knowledge problem has been reduced to the problem of politics. Connected with this, the meaning of the knowledge that has been indoctrinated into the peoples mind has

    also been changed. It is not just the revolutionary knowledge, but also the belief in the guaranteed Final End. The final end became as guaranteed either by the great talent of the Leader who has got this insight, or by the necessary law that the leader has already realized.

3, Ethics and the Revolutionary praxis

     The ethics problem is even more difficult. It means that every individual needs to be ethically motivated toward the total revolution. So, it can not be solved from the top, but must start from the bottom. But how could we start form each individual and then finally arrive at the universality of the proletariat revolution? The Chinese Marxists, especially Mao, has tried to solve this problem by dividing it into two parts: to stimulate peoples resentment toward the old world, and to do the moral cultivation. They firstly will try to stimulate the ordinary peoples resentment toward the old

    world by disclosing how vicious their enemies have been. At the grass level, there have been the meetings for the people to share their experience of suffering in the old world. After people have jointed in the revolutionary army, especially after they have joined the party, then they will emphasize on the moral cultivation very much.

     The combination of these two steps seems to be effective, but there have already been serious problems with it. Firstly, to arrive at the universality of the proletariat through moral cultivation is taken as not a moral problem, but a political problem. This has finally led to the phenomena of using the political methods to solve the problem of moral cultivation. In this way, the ethics problem is totally turned into the political problem. Secondly, to stimulate the ordinary peoples resentment has

    strengthened the tendency of this turning. Since the resentment toward the enemies is just to the contrary of the ethics of the universal proletariat, they could then only take the political methods to make this jump. Worse than this, it could also be used as an effective method for the individual leaders to do politics. This has finally led to the worst condition during the culture revolution: Some leaders tried to make use of the mass movement to do the politics; but once the peoples resentment has been

    stimulated, it has finally gone out of control.

     From the above, we can arrive at two conclusions. Firstly, one of the decisive reasons for Marxism to become rooted in China as a concrete utopia is that it has successfully found the Archimedean Point. Within this Archimedean Point, the most important is the relationship between the intellectuals and the ordinary people. It is only within this relationship that both the knowledge problem and the ethics problem could be dealt with. Secondly, the innate crisis with this utopia lies in that the relationship between the intellectuals and the ordinary people has then been changed into the political relationship. This has brought about two serious results for China: On the one hand, both of the knowledge problem and the ethics problem, which are

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