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January-March 2006

Danchev, Alex (2006). “The Strategy of Still Life, or the Politics of Georges

     Braque.” Alternatives. Volume 31, No. 1. pp. 1


    This article examines the politics, or rather the ethics, of the apparently apolitical but profoundly ethical artist Georges Braque, at a time of maximum ethical & political disturbance: the German occupation of France during World War II. It considers the response of the artist to "events," invoking the notion of "active passivity" as expounded by the philosopher Jean Grenier, Albert Camus's teacher. Adapted from the source document.

April-June 2006

Charbonneau, Bruno (2006). “Mastering "Irrational" Violence: The

     Relegitimization of French Security Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa.”

     Alternatives. Volume 31, No. 2. pp. 215-241.


    The global context of the 1990s imposed constraints on French security policy in sub-Saharan Africa, but it has also offered new opportunities to reauthorize & relegitimize French military cooperation, military intervention, & prepositioned forces after the fiasco of the Rwandan genocide. It is argued that the post-Rwanda French military doctrine of the mastery of violence has relegitimized French hegemony by identifying violence as the enemy to be contained, controlled, & eliminated. The "new" military cooperation (symbolized by the program of RECAMP [Renforcement des capacites africaines au maintien de la paix]) has in fact redefined the French "right" of military intervention in Africa instead of promoting the formal objectives of security & development. Adapted from the source document.


September 2005

Prasad, Monica (2005). “Why Is France So French? Culture, Institutions, and

     Neoliberalism, 1974-1981.” American Journal of Sociology. Volume 111,


     No. 2. pp. 357-407.


    French capitalism has changed in many ways in the last two decades, but France has not seen the extreme neoliberalism of Britain & the United States. The author first provides evidence that the French pattern is not caused by adherence to cultural traditions of egalitarianism. The author then uses historical & interview data to compare the French case with the American counterexample. The argument is that France has adopted a "pragmatic neoliberalism" because in the postwar period it had adopted a "pragmatic state interventionism" designed not to further goals of social justice, but to turn an agricultural country into an industrial one. Moreover, neoliberalism in the United States required a remarkable degree of extreme political innovation which has not been possible in France. 5 Tables, 11 Figures, 1 Appendix, 145 References. Adapted from the source document.


April 2005

Benson, Rodney and Abigail C. Saguy (2005). “Constructing Social Problems in an

     Age of Globalization: A French-American Comparison.” American

     Sociological Review. Volume 70, No. 2. pp. 233.


    Despite growing academic interest in political & cultural globalization, sociologists have failed to systematically account for the factors that favor cross-national convergence or divergence in the form or content of public political debates in news media. This article uses two original data sets on American & French news reporting on immigration & sexual harassment to test the effects of four factors potentially relevant to such convergence or divergence: 1) cultural repertoires, 2) legal constraints, 3) journalistic field relations to the state & market & competition among journalistic outlets, & 4) global position of nation-states. Differences in dominant national cultural repertoires correlate with persistent cross-national variations in media frames. Legal reform related to the two issues offers a strong explanation of shifts in framing over time. Lesser news media autonomy vis-a-vis the state is associated with fewer journalistic enterprise stories on immigration & less reporting on sexual harassment scandals, while greater competition may make sensationalized reporting on immigration more likely. America's dominant position in the global political economy correlates with substantially greater visibility of US policies & personalities in France, than vice versa. There is some evidence for greater cross-national divergence in issue frames over time, as US global visibility & influence have increased. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.



Veracini, Lorenzo (2005). “Decolonization in France and Israel: A Comparative

     Approach.” Arena Journal. No. 23. pp. 37.



    Similarities between the French government's decolonization policy in Algiers & the Israeli government's decolonization program, characterized by the Gaza Disengagement Plan, are highlighted. Although political commentators have noted commonalties between Charles De Gaulle & Ariel Sharon, it is stressed that the disparate French-Algerian & Israeli-Palestinian conflicts bear striking similarities. Several parallels in the French & Israeli modes of decolonization are identified including both states' refusal to acknowledge Algerian or Palestinian nationality prior to colonial presence & delineation of colonization processes as integral to the survival of the colonizing nations. Additional likenesses in France's & Israel's use of military strategies to deal with insurgents & French & Israeli leaders inability to transform military success into political strength are noted. The prospects for achieving a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are also pondered. J. W. Parker


July 2005

Elgie, Robert and Iain McMenamin (2005). “Credible Commitment, Political

    Uncertainty or Policy Complexity? Explaining Variations in the

    Independence of Non-Majoritarian Institutions in France.” British

     Journal of Political Science. Volume 35, No. 3. pp. 531.


    A common feature of contemporary political systems is the increasing amount of delegation from governments to non-majoritarian institutions. Governments may decide to delegate authority to such institutions for reasons relating to credible commitments, political uncertainty & policy complexity. This article focuses on Independent Administrative Authorities (Autorites administratives independantes) in France. We demonstrate that these institutions enjoy varying degrees of independence. We find that the degree of independence varies as a function of two factors: the need to make a credible commitment in areas subject to market opening & the complexity of policy in particular areas. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

October 2005

Gschwend, Thomas and Dirk Leuffen (2005). “Divided We Stand -- Unified We

     Govern? Cohabitation and Regime Voting in the 2002 French Elections.”

     British Journal of Political Science. Volume 35, No. 4. pp. 691-712.


    In this article the impact of voters' regime preferences, i.e. their preferences for either divided or unified government, on their voting behaviour, is analysed. The theory expounded, combining behavioural as well as institutional approaches, predicts that voters weigh their regime against their partisan preferences to derive their vote choice. This theory & its implications are tested on the 2002 French legislative elections using a multinomial logit set-up. The results indicate that regime voting adds to the explanatory power of traditional vote-choice models. Statistical simulations provide further evidence


    that regime preferences play a decisive role in the voting booth, especially for voters who are not politically 'anchored'. 3 Tables, 4 Figures, 1 Appendix. Adapted from the source document.



November 2005

Maclellan, Nic (2005). “From Eloi to Europe: Interactions with the Ballot Box in

     New Caledonia.” Commonwealth and Comparative Politics. Volume 43, No. 3.

     pp. 394-418.


    After violent clashes during the 1980s in the French Pacific territory of New Caledonia, a series of constitutional & electoral reforms changed the political landscape, with the independence movement Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS) entering the institutions of government, & Kanak independence leaders serving in a multi-party executive alongside their conservative opponents. The 1998 Noumea Accord between the French government & opposing political leaders serves as an important example of using constitutional reform to establish multi-party government & transcend a period of conflict in a multi-ethnic society. This study describes the new Noumea Accord institutions & key features of New Caledonia's systems of governance. It also outlines the way electoral engineering under the Noumea Accord has led to unexpected consequences -- fragmenting, rather than uniting, key political parties & coalitions & failing to end debates over ethnicity, voting rights & self-determination. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.


June 2006

Conley, Richard S. (2006). “From Elysian Fields to the Guillotine?: The Dynamics

     of Presidential and Prime Ministerial Approval in Fifth Republic France.”

     Comparative Political Studies. Volume 39, No. 5. pp. 570-598.


    This article develops an integrative framework for explaining variation in monthly presidential and prime ministerial approval in Fifth Republic France. Melding theories of executive approval in the Anglo-American and French literatures, the empirical model closely examines macroeconomic indicators alongside contextual factors, such as cohabitation, temporal effects, and variables specific to French sociopolitical culture. The study refines prior models by utilizing the autoregressive integrated moving average technique to improve forecast estimates. The study also incorporates new archival data on unemployment to avoid measurement error. The results of the time-series analyses confirm that poor macroeconomic conditions yield larger drops in presidential approval.


    Similarly, short-term impacts of strikes and arally effectsa are consistently greater for changes in public confidence in the president. The import of time-decay effects and electoral factors varies dramatically for first and sub-sequent prime ministerial appointments. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 36 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2006.]


April 2005

Heilbrunn, John R. “Oil and Water? Elite Politicians and Corruption in France.”

     Comparative Politics. Volume 37, No. 3. pp. 277.


    In the Elf Aquitaine scandals the informality of French politics prevented control agencies from preventing corruption. A principal-agent approach & lessons drawn from political economy applications of network theory show how individuals nested informal groups in formal associations to conceal criminal activities & engage in corruption. In contrast to studies of corruption in developed countries, policy dysfunction is not explained as a failure of formal institutions. Rather, concentration on informal institutions applies methods commonly used to explain corruption in developing countries. The nested network enabled unscrupulous executives at Elf to enrich themselves & other officials in both Europe & Africa. Figures. Adapted from the source document.

January 2006

Uggla, Fredrik (2006). “Global Demands and National Politics: Attac in France and

     Sweden.” Comparative Politics. Volume 38, No. 2. pp. 169-188.


    The antiglobalization organization Attac has been successful in France but has failed in Sweden. The political process model, which includes factors such as organizational strength & political opportunity structure, can be applied to explanations of Attac's success or failure. However, this model can not fully explain the differing fortunes of Attac in France & Sweden. The political process model needs to be amended to pay more attention to public opinion as a factor explaining the impact of challenging groups. 1 Table, 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.



Dogan, Mattei (2005). “France: Political Mistrust and the Civil Death of

    Politicians.” Comparative Sociology. Volume 4, No. 1-2. pp. 137.


    Factors that have contributed to French civil society's mistrust in French political leaders & bureaucrats are studied. Scrutiny of articles published in the French newspaper Le


    Monde between June 1996 & June 2004 indicated that stories of political-financial corruption & wrongdoing appeared in over half of the editions; in addition, public opinion data measuring French public attitudes toward politicians & numerous books that have explored political corruption written by journalists or politicians themselves are cited as additional markers of the public's mistrust of politicians. Circumstances that encourage political corruption within French government are identified, eg, the privatization of state enterprises & the public's inability to access information about politicians. It is subsequently asserted that an informal connection between journalists & members of the judiciary has succeeded in exposing political corruption but that legal & political determinants typically prevent corrupt politicians from receiving appropriate criminal sentences. Since French civil society remains strong & since many Western democracies experience similar problems with political corruption, it is concluded that democracy will persist in France. References. J. W. Parker

Dogan, Mattei (2005). “How Civil War Was Avoided in France.” Comparative

     Sociology. Volume 4, No. 1. pp. 207.


    At At the end of May 1968 France has found herself on the brink of a civil war. The role of key characters is observed as in a Greek tragedy. The crisis started in a flamable social contexteture -- a significant part of the population have been persistently manifesting deep mistrust of the rulers, the same faces again & again without responding to the aspirations of many social categories. A survey conducted immediately after the crisis by the author gives the voice to the silent majority & shows what could have been the behavoir of the masses in the eventuality of a popular uprising or of a military intervention. The recourse to elections has mobilized passive masses & appears retrospectively as the miraculous solution to avoid a civil war by hushing the active minorities. Tables. Adapted from the source document.



Spring 2006

Dru, Vincent (2006). “Behavioral Responses to Threatened Ethnic Identity in Sports

     Setting.” Conflict Management and Peace Science. Volume 23, No. 2. pp. 23-



    Boxing competitions with two rounds between French & Arab students (N = 58) were used to investigate intergroup relations & social identity. Behavioral measures were observed in two rounds of the competition to assess possible changes depending on threat conditions & strength of ethnic identification. Analyses showed that behavioral effort in round 2 was not influenced by the degree of ethnic identification or threat conditions. However, behavioral competitiveness (the number of initiatives & ripostes attempted relative to the opponent's) in round 2 was greater in the higher threat condition for high ethnic identifiers. Behavioral competitiveness decreased slightly from the no-threat to the


    threat condition for low ethnic identifiers. The results are discussed in terms of the social identity processes that might influence behavioral responses in naturalistic intergroup settings. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.


December 2005

Skach, Cindy (2005). “Constitutional Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy.”

     Constitutional Political Economy. Volume 16, No. 4. pp. 347-368.


    Many emerging democracies across the globe are scrambling to craft new constitutions. The modal constitution being chosen in this most recent wave of democratization is a rather unknown, & under-theorized, type: semi-presidentialism. This article brings semi-presidentialism back to comparative constitutional theory, distinguishing it from presidentialism & parliamentarism, & guarding against its hasty export to new democracies. This article details when, & why, semi-presidentialism can be problematic from the standpoints of democracy, constitutionalism, & the protection of fundamental rights; & the conditions under which it can be supportive of them. After establishing the analytical framework, this article compares developments in two important historical cases of regime change under semi-presidentialism, cases which have also been among the most influential countries for European politics in the twentieth century: the French Fifth Republic & Weimar Germany. The concluding section draws the evidence together. 4 Tables, 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.



Regnault, Jean-Marc (2005). “The Nuclear Issue in the South Pacific: Labor Parties,

    Trade Union Movements, and Pacific Island Churches in International

    Relations.” The Contemporary Pacific. Volume 17, No. 2. pp. 339-357.


    The lead article in a dialogue, "Reflections on Nuclear Testing in the South Pacific," is a shortened version of a piece published in French in Revue d'Histoire Diplomatique (2003). Atmospheric & underground nuclear tests conducted in the Pacific by the US, the UK, & France from 1945 to 1996 are detailed, along with growing opposition to the tests on the part of the Pacific Island countries, & a treaty drafted at a 1984 meeting of the South Pacific Forum in Rarotonga for the purpose of making the Pacific Islands region a nuclear-free zone. Other issues discussed include problems related to certain aspects of the treaty; growing hostility resulting from France's refusal to sign; President Francois Mitterrand's attempt to improve relations by temporarily suspending testing in 1992; & President Jacques Chirac's resumption of testing in 1995. France finally signed the Treaty of Rarotonga in 1996, making the possibility of a nuclear-free South Pacific a reality.


    New threats related to globalization & global warming are discussed. 1 Map, 15 References. J. Lindroth

Firth, Stewart (2005). “A Comment on "The Nuclear Issue in the South Pacific".”

     The Contemporary Pacific. Volume 17, No. 2. pp. 359-362.


    A comment on Jean-Marc Regnault's (2005) article, "The Nuclear Issue in the South Pacific," maintains that Regnault fails to give adequate credence to anti-nuclear activists in the South Pacific who view the problem as colonial. France never explained why they chose to conduct tests in territories far from Europe rather than on the French mainland if the tests were as safe as they claimed them to be. Regnault also has little to say about the issue of documentation of damage done by the tests. Although classified material on the extensive environmental damage resulting from tests conducted by the US has finally been released, no such information is available for French tests, & France has never conceded that its atmospheric testing contaminated islands downwind. The people of the South Pacific want France to conduct the kind of open inquiries on the matter that were undertaken by the US & Australia. Emphasis is placed on the critical importance of popular protest in finally ending testing in the South Pacific. J. Lindroth

Maclellan, Nic (2005). “The Nuclear Age in the Pacific Islands.” The Contemporary

     Pacific. Volume 17, No. 2. pp. 363-372.


    A comment on Jean-Marc Regnault's (2005) article, "The Nuclear Issue in the South Pacific," argues that nuclear testing carried out by France, Britain, & the US was an example of "casual racism" toward the indigenous inhabitants. Examples of racist attitudes towards people considered "primitive" are cited. It is contended that opposition to nuclear colonialism is based on a quest for human dignity that predated French plans to transfer nuclear testing to the Pacific. Regnault's claim that religious resistance to testing was primarily from Protestant churches is challenged & it is argued that religious issues were not as important as "the sense of place, the feeling of being people of the Pacific, not just in the Pacific." The anti-nuclear movement in the Pacific is discussed within the context of broader global campaigns for disarmament. Contrary to Regnault's statements, anti-nuclear sentiment remains strong in the Pacific where indigenous communities are still living with the social, economic, & environmental after-effects of 50 years of nuclear testing. Demands being made on nuclear weapons states are detailed. 16 References. J. Lindroth

Barrillot, Bruno and John Taroanui Doom (2005). “Response to Regnault.” The

     Contemporary Pacific. Volume 17, No. 2. pp. 373-377.


    A comment on Jean-Marc Regnault's (2005) article, "The Nuclear Issue in the South Pacific," expresses disappointment in Regnault's support for the thesis of the "Anglophone plot against the French presence in the Pacific" & points out that Polynesian anti-nuclear activists had almost no contacts with Anglophone countries. In addition, Regnault's statements about the opposition of Protestant churches to the nuclear testing are based on ignorance about the Protestant Church during the missionary era.


    Regnault reconstructs the history of the Evangelical Church & overlooks the reality that the Evangelical Church did not come out against the nuclear tests until 1982. He also refers to the Protestant Church's later objections to nuclear testing as "obscurantist," thereby negating the right of a church to be concerned with respect for the environment & the health of its people. Regnault's attempts to legitimize the post-1960 discourse of the French authorities concerning the harmlessness of nuclear tests are also challenged & the inadequacies of the research he draws upon to support his position are pointed out. J. Lindroth

Tetiarahi, Gabriel (2005). “French Nuclear Testing in the South Pacific, or When

     France Makes Light of Its Duty to Remember.” The Contemporary Pacific.

     Volume 17, No. 2. pp. 378-381.


    The final comment on Jean-Marc Regnault's (2005) article, "The Nuclear Issue in the South Pacific," focuses on French President Jacques Chirac's egregious 1995 decision to resume nuclear tests in French Polynesia without consulting the Polynesian people. Chirac's media campaign about the harmlessness of the tests & the new jobs they would generate did not change the negative feelings of the great majority of the people. Massive protests included testimonies of individuals who had been directly harmed by earlier atmospheric or underground nuclear tests. Chirac's decision to end the tests in 1996 did little to eliminate the harm done to France's image. Special attention is given to Chirac's alliance with territorial government president Gaston Flosse, & the reticence of French leaders to admit that France had not conducted clean tests in spite of the many reports of their deleterious effect on the health of Polynesians. The impact of Chirac's continuing silence about the repercussion of the tests & his refusal to listen to Polynesian requests for an investigation of their health problems are discussed. J. Lindroth

Regnault, Jean-Marc (2005). “Reply.” The Contemporary Pacific. Volume 17, No. 2.

     pp. 382-383.


    Regnault replies, with some chagrin, to the comments on his article, "The Nuclear Issue in the South Pacific," by Stewart Firth, Nic Maclellan, Bruno Barrillot & John Taroanui Doom, & Gabriel Tetiarahi (all, 2005), contending that the commenters misconstrued his meaning & perspective.


May 2006

On, Steve (2006). “ Brian Barry and the Headscarf Case in France.”

     Contemporary Political Theory. Volume 5, No. 2. pp. 176-192.


    Brian Barry's Culture and Equality is probably the most powerful liberal egalitarian critique of multiculturalism addressing the pathologies of recognizing difference of ethnicity, religion, race, & culture. In this essay, I examine Barry's approach to the law, which underpins his theory of egalitarianism to determine whether it is enough -- as


    Barry thinks it is -- to insist on either applying the same law for everyone so that exemptions are foreclosed in general, or repealing the law since the case for its existence is not justified. I find that Barry's effort is inadequate. Because the conditions for exemptions are not specified, exemptions are merely defensible, not just. Using the headscarf controversy in France to illustrate why Barry's approach backfires, I argue how enforcing the same law for all leads to undermining the very politics of redistribution that Barry champions. References. Adapted from the source document.


December 2005

Kempin, Ronja and Jocelyn Mawdsley (2005). “France: Missile Defence a la

     francaise.” Contemporary Security Policy. Volume 26, No. 3. pp. 505-519.


    Almost unnoticed, over the past five years the French government has altered its attitude towards American missile defence plans. The country's most important defence firms are taking part in the technical development of National Missile Defense, even though the political elite have yet to publicly announce their participation in the programme. This paradox can only be understood through an analysis of the specifics of French security culture. The arms industry enjoys a central place in the formulation of French security & defence policy, thanks to Paris' insistence on its quest for security autonomy. French thinking on defence has also moved closer to that of America. But these policy shifts have to be protected from the accusation of being too dependent on or too close to the United States, as a refusal to accept subordination to Washington is also part of French security culture. At present, therefore, this policy U-turn is being strategically & linguistically reconstructed as a genuine French project. Adapted from the source document.


June 2006

Merand, Frederic (2006). “Social Representations in the European Security and

     Defence Policy.” Cooperation and Conflict. Volume 41, No. 2. pp. 131-152.


    Why are international institutions designed in one way and not another? Using the European security and defence policy (ESDP) as a case study, this article suggests that the social representations dominating the national and organizational world of institution-makers are key to our understanding the shape and content of an emerging institution of international security cooperation. A focus on social representations, which are the product of institutional practices, helps to break the interest/idea dichotomy that underpins most theories of preference formation when they try to explain institutional designs.This article shows that foreign and defence policy-makers from France, Germany and the United Kingdom have shaped ESDP by projecting their respective social

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