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    23 July 2004 English only UN-HABITAT

Second session

    Barcelona, 1317 September 2004

    Item 4 (a) of the provisional agenda

Partner’s dialogues: Urban cultures

    Tuesday, 14 September 2004, 9.3012.30 p.m.

    Dialogue on urban cultures: globalization and culture in an urbanizing

    world

    Abstract

    The present paper discusses the ways in which culture, in the context of globalization, is influencing

    social and economic patterns and processes within cities all over the world. The first section reviews the

    overall effects of globalization on urban culture, including the role of new information and communication

    technology. This is followed by a discussion of how a particular aspect of globalization, namely,

    international migration, is giving rise to culturally cosmopolitan cities in which urban ethnic spaces are

    emerging, often in the form of ethnic ghettos. The next section examines how cities all over the world are

    using culture as a central component of urban development strategies that are designed to capitalize on the

    economic benefits of globalization. The concluding section discusses the ways in which globalization is

    likely to shape urban culture in future, and some of the key issues with which planners and managers of so-

    called “globalizing cities” have to contend. The paper ends with a few points for discussion at the second

    session of the World Urban Forum.

K0471966 160804

    For reasons of economy, this document is printed in a limited number. Delegates are kindly requested to bring their copies to meetings and not to request additional copies.

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Contents

Discussion points ...............................................................................................................................................2

Dialogue on globalization and culture in an urbanizing world .........................................................................2

I. Introduction ...........................................................................................................................................3

     A. Culture in the urban context ....................................................................................................3

     B. How technology shapes urban culture in a globalizing world ................................................3

II. Overall impacts of globalization on urban culture ...............................................................................3

     A. Diversity and enrichment .........................................................................................................4

     B. Fear and polarization ...............................................................................................................4

     C. Standardization ........................................................................................................................4

    III. International migration and the emergence of urban ethnic spaces .....................................................5

IV. Cultural strategies for urban development ...........................................................................................7

     A. Redevelopment and global branding of cities .........................................................................7

     B. Preserving the cultural heritage ...............................................................................................9

     C. Developing cultural industries and districts ......................................................................... 10

V. Looking ahead .................................................................................................................................... 11

     A. Globalization, cities and culture: likely future directions ..................................................... 11

     B. Planning and managing multicultural cities ......................................................................... 11

     C. Issues for discussion ............................................................................................................. 13

References ............................................................................................................................................... 14

Discussion points

    ; Globalization stimulates the symbolic economy as cities cash in on the economic value of culture;

    ; Ethnic minorities make an unquestionable contribution to urban culture but are not treated

    accordingly;

; Culture-related activities are powerful tools for urban redevelopment and revitalization;

    ; Global-type consumption spaces share a sense of enclosure, which represents a more limited form

    of citizenship for those outside;

    ; Creative cities use their cultural capital and heritage to attract innovative businesses and services.

    1 Dialogue on globalization and culture in an urbanizing world

     1 The paper is based on a draft prepared by Professor Sharon Zukin, Brooklyn College and City University Graduate Centre,

    New York, United States of America.

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    I. Introduction

    A. Culture in the urban context

    1. Culture has many meanings. As a practical human activity, it is an inherent part of both individual and collective development, from the education of a single child to the finest artistic expression of entire peoples and nations. Closely related both to the achievements of the past (history) and of the future (innovation), culture suggests the capacity to survive as well as to adapt to change. It is the culmination of collective human intellectual achievement of a given society at a particular time. Culture also refers to the customs of a given society, especially as reflected in its social institutions and practices, including social and political organization and religion. In cities, culture materializes in the built environment (palaces, temples, opera houses, museums) and even parks, memorials, and marketplaces which in turn become visual symbols of local identity.

    2. In recent years, culture has taken on a more instrumental meaning in cities. It now represents the ideas and practices, sites and symbols, of what has been called the symbolic economy, i.e., the process

    through which wealth is created from cultural activities, including art, music, dance, crafts, museums, exhibitions, sports and creative design in various fields. This new concept of culture increasingly shapes city strategies in the face of both global competition and local tensions. The present paper focuses specifically on the ways in which culture has influenced city planning and management or has been deliberately used to shape them.

    B. How technology shapes urban culture in a globalizing world

    3. Even in the nineteenth century, cities at the centre of media, financial, and manufacturing networks led the global symbolic economy of the time. Cultural innovations in those days spread by means of exports of new products and models, and of images published in newspapers and magazines. It took weeks or months for these images to reach distant regions. Today, innovations travel at much greater speed via aeroplane, satellite and the internet. Easier import and export of culture helps ethnic groups living away from their homes to maintain their cultural identity, while exposing those in their home countries to new cultural stimuli. Korean and Mexican soap operas are watched as eagerly in New York City as in Seoul or Guadalajara.

    II. Overall impacts of globalization on urban culture

    4. Each city wants to sustain itself its population, buildings, infrastructure, and culture as well as its relative sphere of influence in a larger political territory, all the way from local to international levels. Accordingly, it must find a viable role in the current international division of labour, but this poses a dilemma: a city must open itself to free exchanges with other cities and cultures, while protecting residents from the negative aspects of such free flows.

    5. Globalization both diversifies and enriches urban cultures. But the appearance of the seemingly “strange” cultures of international immigrants can cause fear, racial tension and polarization. Globalization also results in standardization, as people all over the world, increasingly, have access to the same cultural products, such as music and films, through the internet, satellite television and radio. Globalization facilitates the development of the symbolic economy, as cities seek to cash in on the economic value of culture.

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    A. Diversity and enrichment

    6. In earlier years, people moved between the relatively simple spaces of home, work and neighbourhood, all of which reinforced bonds based on ethnicity and social class. Networks and institutions of sociability directly shaped local cultures. Today, urban residents commute over great distances to go to work. Through television, film, the internet and popular magazines, rich and poor alike see images of affluence and modernity and compare them with their own lives. The inability to escape these multiple images and sources of information can be disconcerting and may sometimes lead to local resistance against what is termed “cultural globalization”.

    7. Access to more images and information also enriches the cosmopolitan culture of cities. It encourages urban residents to become polymorphous cultural consumers, potentially making them both more tolerant of strangers in their own community and more closely connected to a distant homeland.

    8. It is not known yet which attitude will prevail, in which place, and when. But the uncertainty that surrounds the effects of wider access to cultural diversity is emblematic of a larger problem of globalization: Does global culture regardless of how apparently “strange” it initially is displace the more familiar local

    culture?

    B. Fear and polarization

    9. Despite their cosmopolitan façade, city dwellers fear strangers moving in among them, settling down and putting down roots. This happened, already, in the late nineteenth century, when Chinese sailors and workers came to New York and Vancouver, leading to the creation of the so-called “Chinatowns”.

    Urban people often close ranks against what may be termed the “truant proximity” of strangers, especially

    those with a different ethnic past. In recent years, closing ranks has included enlarging the metropolitan police force and hiring vast numbers of private security guards, mainly to control access to public space. In New York, Berlin, Budapest, and other cities, public parks have been privatized by turning their management over to park conservancies, business associations, or property owners that limit use of the park, especially by homeless people, or at night.

    10. Globalization brings immigrants to cities all over the world. But current trends suggest that, if one of the great strengths of cities is their openness to the economic functions that strangers fulfil, their great weakness is a slowness to absorb them in the micro-politics of everyday life, in both public spaces and private institutions.

    C. Standardization

    11. Continuous flows of immigrants, products and images are currently reducing absolute differences of space and time. The same music might be performed at a club in Kinshasa, in Paris and in New York City

    or in Los Angeles, Shanghai, Cincinnati and Kingston. In recorded form, it may be listened to on the same brand of portable CD player. From this point of view, all cities are affected by globalization. The capacity of financial markets to shift capital rapidly around the world, the transfer of heavy manufacturing from the United States of America and western Europe to Asia and the outsourcing of many skilled jobs, even in the services and computer fields, link cities to the same projects and timeline. Music and other cultural products become just as global in their sources as so-called “global cars”. This also broadens the menu of economic

    and cultural choices that are available to even relatively poor consumers.

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    III. International migration and the emergence of urban ethnic spaces 12. Although most cities have been officially multicultural since transnational migration began in the 1980s, they do not fully understand how to integrate ethnic minorities without fear of losing their historic cultural identity. In fact, for all their apparent tolerance and real social diversity, cities have always been flashpoints of ethnic hostility. The density of different minority populations makes it easy to target their homes and shops for persecution. Unfortunately, integrating immigrants into the dominant space and time dimensions of a given urban culture is not easy. As new immigrant workers settle, their lack of money and knowledge of the local language both pull and push them into ghettos with groups very much like themselves. In those places, they set up workshops that employ fellow immigrants as cheap, subcontracted labour, often working for co-ethnic managers and entrepreneurs; places of religious worship and instruction; and stores that cater to their special needs: halal or kosher meat, newspapers from home.

    13. Often these new residents of the city are its true cosmopolitans. In fact, ethnic ghettos in advanced economy cities have a long history, as illustrated in urban ecology studies of Chicago, United States, in the 1920s and 1930s. It was during this period of significant international migration into United States cities that ethnic ghettos such as China Town and Little Sicily in Chicago were formed. In western European cities, migrants from eastern Europe, Asia and Africa now fill inner city streets that have ethnically diverse urban cultures: their food shops, clothing stalls and long-distance telephone calling centres seem uneasily placed in a different history, as illustrated by the presence of Africans and Chinese in Dublin, Ireland, described in box 1 below.

Box 1. Africans and Chinese in Dublin, Ireland

     So many Africans have arrived since the 1990s that Moore Street, in Dublin, Ireland, is now called “Little Africa” - although the street is sacred to the history of Irish independence since nationalist insurgents surrendered to the British army in a house there. The African grocery stores along Moore Street are strange to Irish people because

     they look and have aromas different from the usual domestic shops. Their backrooms are set up for socializing

    rather than for commerce - they offer a place where Dublin‟s Africans can come together. The fact that so many Africans have established a community around the tenements and shops of Moore Street is a reminder of Bayoumi‟s comments about earlier Muslim immigrants to New York: “What we have always loved about this city is that we were never lost in it. By discovering each other, we found ourselves here”.

    But Little Africa is also the home of new Chinese immigrants - so many, that people estimate half of Ireland‟s Chinese population lives on Dublin‟s Northside. Like Spanish in Miami, Chinese has replaced Irish as the second language of the city. The Chinese are more visible than other ethnic groups because of their restaurants, shops, and market stalls.

    Source: Spiller 2001; McGuire 2003; Bayoumi 2002, p. 138.

    14. In developing economies, the formation of ethnic ghettos in urban areas is a relatively new phenomenon. Originally, migration flows in many developing countries were ruralurban, with people

    seeking better life opportunities. Now, however, migration across developing countries is on the increase, as people move from the least developed to those better off. Immigrant communities in Abidjan (mostly from francophone West Africa), in Johannesburg (from southern African countries and Nigeria) and in Bangkok (from Myanmar, Cambodia and China) exemplify this process. These new immigrants mostly live in marginal conditions typically slums on lower wages and with job insecurity. Their illegal status

    marginalizes them further as they are often denied access to social services. Examples of such ethnic ghettos can be found in Hillbrow a squatter settlement in Johannesburg that is largely populated by

    Nigerians and French-speaking Africans and in Burmese-dominated Klong Toey in Bangkok.

    15. As migration increases, the number of foreign communities or ethnic enclaves is on the rise. In 2000, international migrants represented some 2.9 per cent of the world population of 6,057 million, as shown in table 1. This percentage has been rising steadily over the past 25 years.

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    Table 1. World total population and international migrants: number and distribution, 2000

    Total population International migrants

    Number Distribution Number Rate (%) Distribution

    (000) (%) (000) (%)

    World 6,056,715 100.00 174,781 2.9 100.00

    Developing 4,791,393 79.11 64,643 1.3 36.99

    economies

    Economies in 411,909 6.80 33,391 8.1 19.10

    transition

    Advanced 853,408 14.09 76,747 9.0 43.91

    economies

Source: United Nations Population Division, 2002a.

    16. Migrants, these days, are concentrated in ethnic ghettos but less confined to them. New immigrant clusters expand the visible symbols of the old inner city over a broader geography. For example, the increase in Asian immigrants has given New York two new Chinatowns in the outer boroughs of Queens and Brooklyn, and many suburbs of Los Angeles are divided between Anglo, Mexican, and Asian populations, arousing intense debates as older majority populations mobilize local political institutions against new immigrants.

    17. Immigrants fit into the urban economy in either ethnic enclaves, where they cater to the needs of their own community, or what may be termed “ethnic niches, where they specialize in certain jobs and

    businesses in the mainstream economy, either according to their training or as opportunities arise. Immigrants do bring with them specific skills and experience, but to make a living they can only fill a need left open by market conditions and access to jobs and property in the city. In Cambodia, Vietnamese immigrants are engaged in jobs that require some expertise, such as fishing and fish processing, as well as machinery and electronic repair filling a gap left vacant by Cambodians. These groups create an ethnic strand in urban culture by taking advantage of the city‟s economic opportunities.

    18. Immigrant groups help create a broader, more diverse urban culture, especially with regard to food. They serve the general public not only in so-called “ethnic” restaurants, but also in many mainstream stores

    and fast-food franchises. These are hallmarks of multicultural urbanity, although that multiculturalism is seriously compromised by the different positions into which different groups of immigrants are thrust in the ethnic and racial hierarchy.

    19. Employers, the police and the public at large are often too ready to turn against immigrants. When ethnic minorities live in segregated areas, their music, slang, or look may inspire fear. Despite their unquestionable contribution to the culture of urban areas, there is a large gap between the cultural and social spaces available to these “ethnic others”. It is a rare situation where this gap has been narrowed, as

    illustrated by the experience of San José in Costa Rica described in box 2 below.

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Box 2. Migration and cultural identity: Nicaraguans in San José de Costa Rica

Among the various effects of Nicaraguan immigration in Costa Rica is the development of a “tico-nica” or Costa

    RicanNicaraguan culture in many family units, in particular in San José, where the concentration of Nicaraguan immigrants is higher. According to a household survey carried out there in 2000, Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans live

    together in five per cent of all households, which may be labelled as being “intercultural”. Nicaraguan immigrants have gradually created opportunities to preserve their traditions, such as the celebration of the gritería, on December 8. They also have their own programmes in the media. Nicaraguans participate in local boxing and baseball fixtures and among other special events a downtown disco broadcasts Nicaragua‟s baseball championship.

Source: IOM, 2001.

    IV. Cultural strategies for urban development

    20. Many city authorities and urban development agencies all over the world are increasingly using culture-related activities for redevelopment or revitalization. This strategy has been used to promote the civic identity of cities, to market cities internationally and, in particular, to boost the economic fortunes of cities experiencing industrial decline. Current trends, all over the world, suggest that culture will play an increasingly important role in the future of cities. Of particular significance among these trends have been the following: culture-based redevelopment of urban space and global branding of cities; cultural heritage preservation, including as a means of marketing cities abroad; and the development of urban cultural industries and districts.

    A. Redevelopment and global branding of cities

    21. In the 1960s, Governments in Europe and the United States began to show an interest in redeveloping the centres of cities around cultural capital, passing new laws to support artists and historic preservation. When central Governments became more involved in regional redevelopment during the economic crisis of the 1980s, they took to linking economic and cultural strategies. Indeed, the more socially devastated a region appeared, and the less likely to experience new industrial growth, the more public authorities turned to marketing cities as centres of culture, in order to create a new business climate. This seemed ever more important with the growth of computer software, media, and consumer product industries, which gave priority to design innovation and access to the latest cultural trends.

22. France felt the need to do something that would reassert its prominence on the world stage to

    devise a strategy that would respond to both economic competition with the United States and cultural competition between New York and Paris. This led to the construction of a contemporary art museum of global stature, the Centre Georges Pompidou, on the Plateau Beaubourg in Paris (see box 3 below).

    23. Other European countries took notice. In the 1980s, with the decline of manufacturing and shipbuilding, Glasgow in Scotland devised a new urban development strategy to promote itself as a cultural centre. Its new role would include business services, higher education, media industries and the arts. A new museum was opened and an annual arts festival was started. Other cities in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (all former industrial centres: Manchester, Sheffield, and Liverpool) followed suit. So did Bilbao in Spain, with the Guggenheim Museum, a cultural masterpiece of international fame.

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Box 3. Plateau Beaubourg, Paris, France

    In the 1970s, under President Georges Pompidou, the French Government decided to create a new museum of contemporary art in the centre of Paris, in the historic tradition of the “grands projets set 200 years earlier by the Louvre, in order to

    demonstrate that the country had not lost its creative edge. This strategy had an educational as well as a promotional goal. A

    multipurpose museum of contemporary art would reach out to young people, especially those who had been most disaffected by

    the political protests of 1968, and foster their creativity. But it would also connect creativity to industrial design and encourage

    innovation in all fields, from the so-called “pure” to the commercial, and from atonal music to conceptual art. It was a foregone conclusion that such a great museum would only be built in Paris, the capital city.

    Yet the Government envisaged the museum as not only revitalizing French creativity, but also as stimulating the redevelopment of a dilapidated part of the inner city. In fact, the buildings on the plateau Beaubourg that were torn down to build the Centre

    were shabby and lacked modern conveniences. With its boldly modern architecture, and the crowds of young people, both local and tourists, who came to ride the external elevators and congregate outside, the spectacular museum, immediately, infused this

    area with fresh cultural capital. Beaubourg quickly became a world-class tourist attraction and as potent a symbol of Paris as the Eiffel Tower. The Centre Pompidou‟s success in “branding” Paris strongly suggested that large investments in flagship cultural

    projects could revitalize a city‟s economy and reputation.

These redevelopment strategies have their own problems, however. The so-called cultural cities” each claim distinctiveness

    but reproduce the same facilities in any number of places, echoing industrial globalization with its geographically widespread

    production but concentrated consumption. Critics complain that the many competitions to host special events, including the

    Olympics, exhaust a city‟s resources as they prepare endless bids. Winning cities take the major share of regional and national

    funds, depriving smaller ones of grants and favouring products and performances that will attract the largest possible audience.

    This, too, suggests a parallel between economic and cultural globalization, for global products and imports are often seen as

    more competitive than domestic art and culture, as illustrated by the example of Singapore described in box 4. Moreover, the

    investment of so much money into the fixed capital of cultural facilities strikes an imbalance: it concentrates resources in the

    urban centre, while paying less attention to culturally underserved peripheries. In their own way, then, these cultural strategies

    create what may be termed “global districts” in large cities around the world, with their own modern art museums, luxury hotels, cafes, and shops all promoting the same band of mobile architects, artists and designers.

Box 4. Esplanade, Singapore: city branding in the South

Singapore in the 1990s decided to build the Esplanade, a new cultural complex for the performing arts. The focus was on

    creating large-scale facilities to host touring foreign artists. But this policy overlooked the city‟s own considerable pool of talent.

    For all their liveliness and energy, native artists, musicians and theatrical performers lacked products that would attract a large,

    multinational audience. Singaporeans were expected to support blockbuster exhibitions and major imported attractions. They

    would profit eventually, city officials believed, from a new and broader climate of cultural consumption; like the European

    “cultural capitals”, Singapore would attract the attention of the multinational media and, eventually, more regional offices of

    multinational corporations. Although criticism of this import-oriented policy persuaded the city government to prod cultural

    institutions and international artistic groups to hire and train Singaporeans, the hardware of the new cultural infrastructure

    tended to support local citizens‟ cultural consumption rather than their own cultural innovation and production.

Another dimension of the culture-driven redevelopment of urban space is what has been called “loft-living”. Beginning in the

    1970s, the exodus of factories out of cities in the United States and western Europe left unused space in older buildings and

    opened manufacturing districts with their relatively cheap rents to alternative uses. Although zoning laws and building codes

    prohibited using industrial buildings for housing, visual and performing artists began to convert manufacturing sites covertly

    into live-work spaces. The experience of New York City (described in box 5) is a good illustration.

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    Box 5. Loft living in New York, United States of America

In New York “loft living” became fairly common in the 1970s, as hundreds of artists and their prominent patrons pressed

    the City to legalize the situation. When two industrial districts of lower Manhattan were rezoned to permit artists‟ housing

    and residential reuse in general, city authorities cast a vote for an “artistic mode of production” that would complement a

    post-industrial renewal of the local economy. And indeed art galleries and performance spaces began to flourish in those areas, followed by restaurants and design stores. Cultural production bloomed not only because American artists migrated

    to lower Manhattan, but also because artists, actors and musicians came to New York from other parts of the world, notably Europe and Asia. They created artworks, opened galleries and performance spaces and were written up in newspapers and magazines in other countries. This media coverage maintained the city‟s reputation as the place to be

    the global capital for cutting-edge cultural creation.

During the city‟s fiscal crisis in the late 1970s, the media promoted loft-living as a comfortable and sophisticated urban

    lifestyle. A steady exodus of manufacturing allowed supply to meet rising demand. Individuals with money to invest but little connection to the arts began to renovate lofts for both rental and purchase. Their entrepreneurial success in turn attracted professional real estate developers. Within a few years, loft-living sparked both a residential and a commercial

    revival of lower Manhattan and raised property values to historic heights.

Source: Zukin 1989; Guilbaut 1983.

    B. Preserving the cultural heritage

    24. Culturally-driven models of redevelopment are succeeding partly because of new perceptions of the value of older buildings. In the 1960s in the United States, corporate sector growth and modernization destroyed older urban districts. Corporate headquarters, high-class hotels and expensive housing replaced them, often paid for by public subsidies for urban renewal. Other downtown districts were abandoned as businesses moved to the suburbs. By the mid-1960s, however, a broad-based movement had formed to preserve historic buildings from demolition, especially in the United States and western Europe. Community groups whose neighbourhoods were threatened by urban renewal joined more affluent, elite groups who felt that destruction of historically significant buildings and districts jeopardized the quality of life. For some people, this movement was a principled opposition to the bureaucratic modernism of city authorities and planners; for others, it was a last-ditch effort to preserve the cultural heritage, that is, to retain the built forms of the city‟s collective memory. In addition, old buildings with their low rents became

    incubators for small-scale craftsmen and businesses, serving as a springboard of economic revival in many neighbourhoods. With their aesthetic and historic value, old buildings contribute to cultural capital.

    25. By the early 1980s, this preservation movement had spread to many developing countries. For example, in the mid-1980s, Zanzibar in the United Republic of Tanzania established the Stone Town Conservation and Development Authority to plan and coordinate conservation activities in the old town (see box 6 below). By the 1990s, with the growth of what we may term “cultural heritage tourism”, more and

    more cities in developing countries were investing in the conservation of old and historic buildings in a bid to make the most of their cultural capital.

26. Developing countries, increasingly, use traditional crafts and important dimension of local

    traditional cultures to enhance the capacity of cities to attract tourism. In Nairobi, Kenya, promoters of traditional textiles, jewellery and carvings have started using the internet for global marketing. The example of the Dakshinachitra crafts museum in Chennai, India, (described in box 7 below) further illustrates this approach.

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     Box 6. Zanzibar, United Republic of Tanzania: Preserving the historic Stone Town

The Stone Town is the centre of the greater city of Zanzibar, an international tourist attraction, and houses much of the island‟s

    commercial and government activity. It is famous for its traditional coral stone buildings, intricate balconies, massive carved

    doors and narrow bazaar streets. With the rapid population growth in Zanzibar town, lack of maintenance and uncontrolled new

    constructions, the fabric of the Old Stone Town has come under increasing pressure. Not only are many historic buildings very

    dilapidated, but in some instances residents in traditional buildings have altered them substantially. In response to the need to

    preserve the old town, the Stone Town Conservation and Development Authority was established in 1985 and a conservation plan approved in 1994. The scheme sets out a general planning framework and the broad conservation and development

    policies. It promotes controls on the use and development of land, measures to protect individual buildings, street elements and

    open areas, and others to develop and improve land and spaces in the central area, including improvements to parking and traffic. Thanks to concerted efforts, several buildings in the Stone Town have been gazetted as monuments, many others have been repaired and restored, and 80 per cent of the streets in the Stone Town have been paved.

Box 7. Dakshinachitra, Chennai, India: Using traditional crafts for global marketing of cities

Chennai (formerly Madras), the capital of the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, does not aim to be a global city of finance

    and culture. But the city government and the local elite want to use the local heritage to develop the service sector and compete

    with other Indian cities as an international tourist landmark, as well as to integrate different ethnic groups in the urban population. Chennai deploys this strategy as India liberalizes markets and some cities, such as Hyderabad and Bangalore, have

    joined the global network of computer software production. Chennai has quite a different social and economic base.

Since the 1980s, cultural officials and non-profit groups have supported the development of the crafts museum of

    Dakshinachitra, which is located several miles outside Chennai. This cultural complex is both for tourism and education, with

    reconstructions of buildings that exemplify local and regional architectural styles, demonstrations of traditional crafts, and

    videos showing the region‟s rural past. The museum also promotes traditional craftwork, such as indigo dying, producing high-

    quality artefacts for affluent consumers. Dakshinachitra has received strong support from non-profit and pan-Indian cultural

    organizations, as well as from overseas foundations and philanthropies.

C. Developing cultural industries and districts

    27. The idea of using culture as a motor of urban economic growth reflects cities‟ transition from

    manufacturing to more flexible, design and knowledge-based production. Since massive industries like steel

    and automobiles based on standardized mass production have fallen, one by one, to competition from low-

    cost locations, attention has focused on cultural industries flexible industries that value knowledge,

    information and technology. Most cultural industries are located in cities. A dense population and

    concentration of skills allow them to draw upon tangible human resources, and a city‟s usual history of

    tolerance and social diversity offers intangible sources of inspiration and experimentation.

    28. In New York, both fashion and new information technology tend to concentrate in clusters of

    interrelated firms that form industrial districts. These may be created informally, including by the firms‟

    workers and even clients. They may be visible from the street and recognized by street signs or zoning laws.

    Large global cities support many districts as specialized as New York‟s Silicon Alley (south of 23rd Street)

    and the Fashion Centre (south of Times Square). Some cultural industries develop in market centres in

    smaller cities such as textiles in Lombardy and wine-making in Bordeaux but the interrelations between

    different kinds of cultural districts in larger global cities expand their cultural capital.

    29. The multiplicity of these districts makes for a richer urban culture but it is not clear to what degree

    they grow naturally, through artistic and entrepreneurial activity, nor to what degree they depend on public

    policy. Both types of growth matter. All industries develop and sustain themselves through networks for

    recruitment, training, sharing information and other resources, and collaborating on design and marketing;

    but they also work within a framework set by local, national, and regional government policies. Because the

    global competition between cities (and countries) heightens the authorities‟ interest in the success of

    cultural industries, many Governments now target subsidies to cultural districts, in the hope of persuading

    transnational companies to shift some of their production there, or at least of attracting tourists. These

    efforts rely on a synergy between the culture of the city and that of the district itself.

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