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    On the Linking Construction V-?i?-V in Mayrinax Atayal

    Chunming Wu

    National Tsing Hua University

    tomcm0606@gmail.com

1. Introduction

    1.1 Mayrinax (Matuuwal) Atayal

    A C?uli? dialect spoken in Chinshui Village, Taian Hsiang, Maioli (苗栗縣泰安鄉錦

    水村). Mayrinax (Matuuwal) Atayal is one of two known dialects that show certain

    distinctions between the male and female forms of speech (Li 1982: 265-266, Huang

    1995).

1.2 Multiple functions of ?i?

    ?As case markers which mark proper names/kinship terms and locations

    (1) Mayrinax Atayal

    a. m-aniq cu?/*?i? qulih ?i? watan

    AV-eat ACC fish NOM Watan

    Watan eats a fish.

    b. tuting ?i? abisang ?i? watan

    beat ACC Abisang NOM Watan

    Watan beats Abisang.

    c. ma-baiq cu? bunga? ?i? abisang ?i? watan

    AV-give ACC sweet potato DAT Abisnag NOM Watan

    Watan gives Abisang sweet potatoes.

    d. ma-baiq cu? bunga? ?i? abisang ?i? watan

    AV-give ACC sweet potato DAT Abisnag NOM Watan

    ?i? claq

    LOC field

    Watan gives Abisang sweet potatoes in the field.

? As linkers which connect two or more verbal predicates

    (2) a. ma-usa? ?i? qaluap ?i? casan ?i? yumin

     AV-go LNK hunt PART tomorrow NOM Yumin

     Yumin will go hunting tomorrow. (Verb sequences)

    b. hailag ?i? hakay ku? nabakis

     fast (AV) LNK walk NOM old.man

     The old man walks fast. (Adverbial construal)

     1

    c. ki ?i? m-a-usa? ?i? bari ?i? watan ?i? casan

     probably LNK AV-IRR-go LOC Miaoli NOM Watan FUT tomorrow

    Watan will probably go to Miaoli tomorrow. (Modal construal)

? ?i? connects verbal predicates and Future temporal expressions (Huang 1995).

    (3) Mayrinax

    a. pa-pumuwa? ?i? casan cu? raramat ?i? watan

    IRR-plant (AV) tomorrow ACC vegetable NOM Watan

    Watan will plant vegetables tomorrow. b. m-a-usa? ?i? pilag ?i? watan

    AV-IRR-go year NOM Watan

     Watan will leave next year.

1.3 Research questions:

    ?What constructions does the linker ?i? involve? ?How is the linker ?i? structurally representedwhat grammatical status does it hold

    of?

1.4 Organization

    Section 2: previous studies regarding Formosan linkers

    Section 3: Structures of Linking Constructions

    Section 4: Linker in subordination

    Section 5: Conclusion

2. Previous Studies in Formosan Languages

    ?Huang (1997):

    ?Linking constructions as in (4-5) can be treated on a par with Serial Verb

    Construction (SVC) since the constructions manifest events sharing a common agent

    (experiencer) and being coded by two or more verbs in sequence.

    (4) Mayrinax Atayal (Huang 1997:59)

     a. m-a-usa? ?i? qaluap ?i? casan ?i? yumin

     AV-IRR-go LNK hunt PART tomorrow NOM Yumin

     Yumin will go hunting tomorrow.

     b. lihka? ?i? hakay ku? nabakis

     fast (AV) LNK walk NOM old.man

     The old man walks fast.

     2

(5) Paiwan (Huang 1997:59)

     a. uri= vaik=aken a sa-taihuku a veli

    IRR=leave (AV)=1S.NOM LNK go.to-Taipei LNK buy

    tua tjamay

     OBL vegetable

     I will leave for Taipei to buy vegetables.

?Tang (1999): in Paiwan

    ?Linker a (as in (5a)) in Paiwan serves as a non-finite complementizer.

    ?The embedded verb is subject to AV-only restriction and cannot be inflected for

    Tense/Aspect/Modality.

?Chang (2006): in Paiwan

    ?Linker a in Paiwan does not only serve as a non-finite complementizer.

    (6) Paiwan (Chang 2006:6)

     a. ini=ka=aken a na-kan tua vurasi

     NEG=KA=1S.NOM LNK PERF-eat OBL sweet.potato

     I did not eat sweet potatoes.

     b. ini=ka=aken a uri=kan tua vurasi

     NEG=KA=1S.NOM LNK IRR=eat OBL sweet.potato

     I will not eat sweet potatoes. ?Permutation phenomenon is found in some linking constructions (repetitive,

    quantifying, durative, causative multi-verb constructions)

    (7) Paiwan

     a. tekel a m-umal tua vava ti palang

     drink LNK AV-again OBL wine NOM Palang

     Palang drinks wines again.

     b. m-umal a tekel tua vava ti palang

     AV-again LNK drink OBL wine NOM Palang

     Palang drinks wines again.

?Tsai (2007): in Tsou, Squliq Atayal and Amis

    ?Conjunctive Reduction: In Atayal, Tsou, and Amis a conjunction (Linker) has turned into a complementizer for either adverbial clauses or complement clauses, a

    process dubbed as “conjunctive reduction”.

     3

?The Reduction Schema (Tsai 2007: 17)

    (8) Adv + V ? Adv-MM + V ? V Conj V ? V [Comp V] ? V + V

     Amis Squliq Atayal

     Tsou

    Complementization”: the conjunction has been grammaticalized as a complementizer, as in Squliq Atayal and Tsou,

    Adverbialization: the conjunction becomes optional due to the loss of its core

    semantic property of marking additive or sequential relationship in this particular

    configuration, as in Amis.

3. Structures of Linking Constructions

    3.1 Control

    3.1.1 Subject control

    ?The initial verbs in root clauses bear major morphosyntactic markings (Voice, TAM

    inflection, pronominal clitics) as in (9). The embedded verbs are subject to AV-only

    restriction.

    (9)

    a. musa?=ta? [CP[C?i?[TP qaluap cu? bauwak cuhisa?

     AV-go=1P.NOM LNK hunt ACC pig yesterday

     We went hunting wild pigs yesterday.

    b. m-antalam-ay=ta? [CP[C?i?[TP cbu? cu? bauwak

     AV-try-PROJ=1P.NOM LNK shoot ACC pig

     Lets try to shoot wild pigs.

?The subject control construal has its NAV counterpart.

    (10) Mayrinax

    a. ?usal-an=nia? ?i? qaluap ku? bauwak cuhisa? go-LV=3S.GEN. LNK hunt NOM wild.pig yeaterday

    He went hunting the wild pigs yesterday.

    b. ?antalam-aw=ta? i ?i? cbu? ku? bauwak

     try-PROJ.LV=1P.GEN LNK shoot NOM wild.pig

     Lets try to shoot the wild pigs.

?The bauwak can be marked as ACC in the embedded clause as in (11). This suggests

    that ?i? occupies in non-finite C position>> PV Main verb cannot assign nominative

     4

case through CP.

    (11) Mayrinax

    a. [?usal-an=nia? i [CP[C?i?[TP Pro i qaluap cu? bauwak]]] cuhisa?] go-LV=3S.GEN. LNK hunt ACC wild.pig yeaterday

    He went hunting wild pigs yesterday.

b. [?anatalam-an=ta? [CP[C?i?[TP Pro i cbu? cu? bauwak]]]]

     try-LV=1P.GEN LNK shoot ACC wild.pig

     We have tried to shoot wild pigs.

3.1.2 Object control

    ?V1 must be in NAV and the embedded V2 observes AV-only restriction

    (12) Mayrinax Atayal

    a. siwal-an=mi? i (?i?) watan [CP[C?i?[IP Pro i qaluap/*pa-qaluap/

    allow-LV=1S.GEN NOM Watan LNK hunt/IRR-hunt/

    *qaluap-un]]]

     Hunt-PV

     I allow Watan to go hunting.

?Object control construal does not have its AV counterpart (cf. Pivotal construction in

    Huang 1995).

    (13) Mayrinax Atayal

    a.*siwal=ci? i (?i?) watan [CP[C?i?[IP Pro i qaluap...

    allow=1S.NOM ACC Watan LNK hunt

    I allow Watan to go hunting.

    ?In control construction the linker ?i? may be realized as a non-finite complementizer introducing non-finite clauses.

3.2 Raising

    3.2.1 Adverbial verb construction (AVC)

    ?AVC as Raising instead of SVC (Chang 2007, Li 2006)

    ?AVC violates SVC conditions (Chang 2007)

    a. The linkerless condition

    b. The lexical verb condition

    c. The Nonselection condition

    d. The (semantic) argument-sharing condition

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?Mayrinax AVC

    a. Adverbial verbs are fully inflected.

    b. AV-only restriction on the lexical verbs

    c. Syntax-semantic mismatch (14b)

    d. Linker ?i? bypasses argument raising.

    (14) a. [m-?an(a)-bibui [ ?i? caqis

    AV-do-quickly LNK sew

    cu? siatu?/situing] ku? knairil ]

    OBL clothes NOM woman

    The woman quickly sews some clothes.

b. [?an(a)bibuy-un na? knairil(x) [ ?i? caqis (tx)

    do-quickly-PV GEN woman LNK sew

     ti] ku? siatu?i ]

     NOM clothes

    The woman quickly sews the clothes (embedded object raising)

(15)

    a. m-ti-hiya-hiyaw=ci? ma-niq cu? qulih

    AV-eat-RED-slow=1S.NOM (LNK) AV-eat OBL fish

    „I eat fish slowly.‟

    b. pa-pti-hi-hiyaw-un=mi? ma-niq ku? qulih

    CaRED-eat-RED-slow-PV=1S.GEN (LNK) AV-eat NOM fish

    „I will eat the fish slowly.‟

e. Applicativization

    (16)

    a. m-(?a)na-pusal ?i? caqis ni? watan cu? siatu? ?i? tapas

    AV-do-two LNK sew OBLWatan ACC clothes NOM Tapas

    „Tapas sews clothes twice for Watan.‟ b. si-?(a)na-pusal ?i? caqis ni? tapas cu? siatu? ?i? watan

    BV-do-two LNK sew GEN Tapas OBL clothes NOM Watan

     6

    „Tapas sews clothes twice for Watan.‟ ?Verb classifying system (cf. Chang 2009 in Tsou)

    a. ?na- (Huang 2008 p.c.) on adverbial verbs denotes general activities.

    (17)

    m-(?)na-hmuhmut ?i? muwa? cu? bunga? ?i? abisang AV-do-randomly LNK plant OBL sweet potatoes NOM Abisang

    Abisang plants sweet potatoes randomly.

    lngui

     swim

    kabalay cu? siatu?

    do (AV) OBL clothe

    m-atas

    AV-write

    m-aiq cu? pila?

     AV-give OBL money

     caqis

     sew

     b. Specialized Activities

    (18)

    a. m-ti/(*?na)-hiyahiyaw ?i? ma-niq cu? mami? ?i? tali? AV-eat-slow LNK AV-eat OBL cooked.rice NOM Tali

    Tali ate (cooked rice) slowly.‟ b. sgi/(*m-?na)-hiyahiyaw ?i? m-nubuag cu? quwau ?i? watan drink-slow (AV) LNK AV-drink OBL wine NOM Watan

    „Watan drinks wines slowly.‟ c. m-akna-bibui=ci? hakai AV-walk by-fast=1S.NOM (LNK) walk

    „I walk fast.‟

    d. psi-hmuhmut=ci? cbu?

    shoot-random (Av)=1S.NOM (LNK) shoot

    „I shoot randomly.‟

     7

    e. maksi-hmuhmut ?i? maqilaap/maqailup ?i? hiya?

     Sleep-randomly (AV) LNK sleep NOM 3S

     He sleeps randomly.

c. Semantic agreement rather than affixal concord in form (Li 2008, 2009); Compare:

(19) Bunun (Nojima 1996: 16, 18)

    a. kis-aus-a=s mabananaz=tia kis-laupa

    LP (stab)-immediately man=NPV.that LP (stb)-stab

    „Immediately after that, the man stabbed (the woman).‟ b. pit-utmag-un ma-pit‟ia tastu-tilas

     LP (cook)-carelessly AO-cook one-uncooked.rice

     „(She) carelessly cooked a grain of rice in one piece, without breaking it apart.‟

(20) Kanakanavu

    a. ku-vula=ku ka-kun uru

     Eat-fast=1S.NOM RED-eat cooked.rice

     „I eat (cooked rice) fast.‟

    b. ca-un-un=maku ca-capa vutukuru

     roast-again-PF=1S.GEN roast fish

     „I roasted the fish again.‟

(21) Saaroa (Li 2008:1)

    a. hli-pahlu-muamurari=cu=aku pahlu-sahli. PFV-AV.LP(sing)-slowly=COS=1SG.NOM AV.LP(sing)-song „I sang songs slowly.‟

    b. taku-care-caremi=cu=aku taku-‟i‟iare. AV.LP(work)-RED-ache=COS=1SG.NOM AV.LP(work)-work „I fell ill from working.‟

    ??na and other classifying prefixes like pti-, sgi- seem to occur in the same position. However, when stacking adverbial verbs, ?na is structurally located higher than other classifying prefixes (Chang 2009: pc).

     8

(22) Mayrinax

    a. m-na-ri?a-ri?ax ?i? sgi-hmuthmut ?i? m-nubuwag

    AV-Do-RED-day (often) LNK drink-randomly LNK AV-drink

    cu? quwau ?i? watan

     Watan wine NOM Watan

     Watan often drinks wines randomly.

?Structure of AVC

    ??i? as strong T which bypasses clitic movement and argument raising.

    The Strong T is c-commanded by the voice category. Voice head can penetrate the

    embedded TP assigning Nominative case to the embedded patient and at the same

    time trigger clitic climbing from the embedded TP.

Fig.1 Structure of (15b)

     TP

     T ku? qulih(j)

     T (Ca-RED) VoiceP

    Voice t j

    Voice

     AV/NAV

    -un vP

     v’

     v AdvVP

     DO

     pti-

     9

     AdvV

     AdvV TP

    hi-hiyaw=mi?( i)

     T tj

     T VP

     ?i?

     V ti

    V NP

     maniq tj

3.2.2 Aspectual/Modal construal

    ?Aspectual and Modal expressions kia or ki?i are realized as Auxiliaries which can

    host Nominative or Genitive pronominal clitics.

    (23) Mayrinax

    a. kia ?i? m-aktaliyum ?i? watan

    PROG LNK AV-run NOM watan

    Watan is running.

     b. kia ?i? niq-un ni? watan ku? qulih

     PROG LNK eat-PV GEN Watan NOM fish

     Watan is eating fish. c. kia=ci? m-aktaliyum

    PROG=1S.NOM (LNK) AV-run

    I am running.

    d. kia=mi? niq-un ku? qulih

    PROG=1S.GEN (LNK) eat-PV NOM fish

     I am eating the fish.

    ?kia and ki?i bear no voice inflection and are ineligible for applicativization and light verb operation.

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